Academic context. Prepared as Assignment One for PUBH 742 (Global Health and International Health Systems) as part of the Postgraduate Diploma in Public Health at the University of Otago (2025). The diploma was completed with distinction overall.

About this project

The United States and Singapore make for an instructive pairing because the contrast is so stark. The US spends roughly $12,400 per person on health, nearly three times Singapore's $4,300, yet Singapore consistently outperforms it on life expectancy, infant mortality, and preventable deaths. This piece asks why, and what the answer means for how health systems should be designed.

The analysis works through both countries across four lenses: geography and demographics, socio-economic context, socio-political structure, and health status. It closes with a comparative indicator table and a short reflection on what the comparison reveals about the relationship between governance, values, and health outcomes.

Approach

The analysis draws on peer-reviewed literature and the major international datasets (WHO, World Bank, Commonwealth Fund, and the Lancet) and uses a descriptive-comparative structure to hold each country's system up against the same analytical frame. The goal is not to declare a winner. It is to understand what each system's architecture produces, and why, given its context.

Both systems are analysed on their own terms before the comparison is drawn, which avoids the common error of judging systems by criteria they were never designed to optimise for. Singapore's system was built for fiscal sustainability and universal access. The US system was built around private markets and pluralist political compromise. Both systems produce outcomes. The question is which outcomes, for whom, and at what cost.

Key findings

  • The US spends 17.36% of GDP on health against Singapore's 5.57%, yet Singapore achieves a life expectancy of 81.6 years (male) and 86.3 years (female), compared with 73.7 and 79.1 in the US. Singapore's infant mortality rate is 2.1 per 1,000 live births; the US rate is 6.5.
  • The US multi-payer, market-oriented model leaves approximately 30 million people uninsured and produces sharp inequities by income, race, and geography. Medical debt is a leading cause of personal bankruptcy. The Medicaid expansion gap (where around 10 states have still not adopted expansion under the ACA) illustrates how federal structures and lobbying dynamics can block evidence-based reform.
  • Singapore's "3M" system (Medisave for individual savings, MediShield Life for catastrophic insurance, and Medifund as a safety net for those who cannot afford even subsidised care) achieves universal coverage while maintaining individual financial responsibility. The layered structure redistributes risk without eliminating incentives for cost-conscious use.
  • Singapore's centralised parliamentary governance under long-term PAP rule enables sustained, technocratic health planning that is structurally difficult in the US. This is both an advantage (policy continuity, rapid implementation) and a risk (limited democratic accountability, low tolerance for dissent).
  • Both systems face pressure: the US from political fragmentation, workforce shortages, and rising pharmaceutical costs; Singapore from rapid population ageing, hospital capacity constraints, and growing out-of-pocket affordability concerns despite the 3M architecture.

Comparative indicators

Indicator United States Singapore
Life expectancy (male / female) 73.7 / 79.1 81.6 / 86.3
Infant mortality (per 1,000) 6.5 2.1
Health expenditure (% of GDP) 17.36% 5.57%
Per capita health spend (USD PPP) $12,434 $4,321
Obesity prevalence 41.64% 16.09%

What this project demonstrates

This is the kind of work I could do for a health-tech company planning international expansion, a global health consultancy, a research team comparing health systems, or any organisation that needs the US system explained clearly to a non-US audience (or the reverse). The skills behind it are comparative policy analysis, fluency with international health data sources (WHO, World Bank, Commonwealth Fund, Lancet), and politically grounded systems thinking that does not bias either model. It transfers naturally to market-entry strategy, system reform consulting, international health communications, and cross-border health-systems research.